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Kyiv Mayor: The City Of Kyiv Was Attacked By Russia, And Falling Debris Caused Fires In At Least Three Districts
The Mayor Of Kyiv, Ukraine, Said That The City Was Attacked By Russia And Debris From The Attack Caused Fires In At Least Three Districts
U.S. Central Command: Earlier Today, The U.S. Military Completed An Inspection And Boarding Of The Comoros-flagged Oil Tanker “Charminar” In The Arabian Sea. The Tanker Has Now Continued Its Voyage
U.S. Central Command: The U.S. Maritime Blockade Of Iran Remains Fully In Effect. As Of July 25, It Has Forced 12 Merchant Ships Attempting To Break The Blockade To Change Course, Crippled The Navigation Capabilities Of Two Disobedient Vessels, And Boarded And Inspected Two Other Vessels To Ensure Full Compliance
According To The Iranian Students' News Agency, Iraqi Sources Say That Several Violent Explosions And Widespread Fires Have Occurred At The Jambul Oil Field In Iraq's Kirkuk Province
A U.S. Appeals Court Refused To Allow The Implementation Of Trump's Executive Order Restricting Mail-in Voting
Ukrainian President Zelensky: Russian Satellite Monitoring Shows That Moscow Is Assisting Tehran In Its Strike Operations In The Middle East
Iran's Ministry Of Oil: $11.5 Billion Worth Of Oil Was Sold During The War And $6.5 Billion Worth Of Oil Was Sold During The Ceasefire
Russian Foreign Ministry: The Russian Foreign Minister Did Not Hold Any Substantive Talks With The Japanese Foreign Minister In Manila
Two Brazilian Sources Say The United States Plans To Send An Envoy To Influence Brazil’s October Presidential Election
Two Brazilian Sources Say Brazil Has Refused To Issue Visas To Two Trump Administration Envoys Who Came To Question The Country’s Electoral System
Interfax News Agency Quoted The Russian Deputy Prime Minister As Saying That The Ban On Russian Gasoline Exports Will Be Extended Until The End Of This Year, And The Ban Will Be Lifted "after The Market Recovers"
The Russian-appointed Governor Said The Death Toll From The Attack On A Holiday Camp In The Russian-controlled Zaporizhia Region Of Ukraine Has Risen To 11, Including Four Children
French Anti-terrorism Prosecutors Say Six People Have Been Detained Pending Trial In Connection With The Attempted Attack On A Synagogue In The Paris Region In Early July
The Security Service Of Ukraine (SBU) Stated That Ukraine Attacked The Russian Filanovsky Oil Platform And Two Cargo Ships In The Caspian Sea

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Trump eyes an Iran deal, but Tehran's firm stance on nuclear and missile programs complicates a resolution.
President Donald Trump has made it clear he prefers negotiating a deal with Iran to starting a war. The critical question, however, is what kind of deal he’s willing to sign—and what compromises, if any, Tehran is willing to make.
As of this writing, the two sides have agreed to meet for negotiations in Istanbul, Turkey, on Friday, December 6. The meeting will bring together U.S. Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi, along with representatives from Saudi Arabia and Egypt.
The logic is straightforward: the more aggressive Trump’s demands, the less likely Iran is to concede, making a military confrontation more probable. Conversely, a more flexible U.S. position could encourage cooperation from Tehran and reduce the chances of war. So, what exactly is on the table?
The primary issue is Iran's nuclear program, but Trump's specific goal has been inconsistent. In May of last year, he demanded the "total dismantlement" of Iran's nuclear infrastructure. More recently, however, he simply tweeted "NO NUCLEAR WEAPONS." These are two vastly different objectives.
Every U.S. president since George W. Bush has aimed to prevent Iran from acquiring a nuclear bomb. If this is Trump's sole objective, Tehran will likely engage in its usual strategy of bargaining, deception, and concealment to avoid a direct conflict with the superior U.S. military. Iran might agree to give up its highly enriched nuclear material but would fight to keep its program intact, effectively buying time until Trump is out of office to resume enrichment activities.
However, if Trump insists on the complete termination of Iran's entire nuclear program, Tehran will almost certainly refuse. This isn't just because of the immense time, money, and effort invested. For Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, such a move would be seen as a surrender to the "Great Satan," a term he and his predecessor Khomeini use for the United States. Faced with this choice, Khamenei might prefer to risk a war—betting on Trump's aversion to open-ended conflicts—rather than sign what he would view as a capitulation agreement.
Other critical issues will feature prominently in any negotiation, including Iran's missile arsenal, its network of regional militias, and the recent crackdown on domestic protests.
Initially, Trump appeared to support the Iranian protesters, threatening military action if the regime continued its violent suppression. His focus, however, seems to have shifted back to security matters. This is not surprising, as the human rights situation in Iran has consistently taken a backseat to security priorities for every U.S. administration dealing with the Islamic Republic.
Iran's missile program, a major concern for Israel and Gulf Arab states, is an even more complex issue than its nuclear ambitions. It is highly doubtful, perhaps even inconceivable, that Iran would surrender the one weapon system that it sees as a shield against foreign intervention. The negotiating space on missiles is far narrower than on the nuclear file, and Khamenei and his generals are unlikely to offer any meaningful concessions. From their perspective, it would be better to use those missiles in a war for survival than to give them up and leave Iran vulnerable.
Perhaps the greatest potential for a breakthrough lies with Tehran's regional proxies. These groups—including Lebanon's Hezbollah, Yemen's Houthis, various Iraqi militias, and Palestinian factions like Hamas and Islamic Jihad—are vital tools for projecting Iranian power.
Unlike its nuclear program and missile arsenal, these proxies are not an existential issue for the regime. If abandoning some or all of its regional allies could prevent a devastating war with the United States, Iran might consider it. Furthermore, Tehran knows that enforcing such an agreement would be incredibly difficult for Washington. The Iranian regime has extensive experience smuggling weapons and funds to its militia networks, making any commitment hard to verify.
Trump has deployed significant military assets to the region, seemingly to pressure Iran into a deal with major concessions. As Secretary of State Marco Rubio noted, the Islamic Republic is at its weakest point since its founding in 1979, making this an opportune moment for Washington to press its demands.
However, if Iran refuses to cooperate, the worst possible outcome for the U.S. would be a symbolic strike (or no strike at all) followed by a weak or ambiguous deal that Trump then frames as a diplomatic victory. Such a move would severely damage American credibility and embolden the Iranian regime more than ever.
Given Trump’s threats and military posturing, the only acceptable result for Washington is a verifiable and permanent agreement—achieved either peacefully or through force—that accomplishes three key goals:
• Ends Iran's path to a nuclear weapon.
• Limits its missile arsenal.
• Terminates its support for regional proxies.
While this outcome would address U.S. security concerns, it would not necessarily support the aspirations of the Iranian people. Washington and other regional powers, with the exception of Israel, appear to prefer a weakened but stable regime in Tehran over the potential chaos of a collapse that could destabilize the entire region.
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