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Philly Fed's Paulson backs Powell, signals January rate hold, eyeing 2026 cuts on inflation/jobs data.
Philadelphia Federal Reserve President Anna Paulson has voiced strong support for Fed Chair Jerome Powell and signaled she is comfortable holding interest rates steady at the upcoming January meeting.
In her first national interview since taking office last July, Paulson told the Wall Street Journal that Powell is a highly effective leader. Her comments provide a fresh endorsement for the Fed Chair amid rising political scrutiny.
Paulson's remarks come just days after Chair Powell revealed he is facing a criminal investigation concerning the renovation of the Fed's headquarters in Washington—a probe he stated was motivated by President Trump's push for lower interest rates.
"His statement was really strong. I think it really speaks for itself," Paulson said, aligning herself with several Fed colleagues who have publicly defended Powell's integrity this week.
She highlighted Powell's broad appeal, noting that even her 20-year-old son sends her internet memes that celebrate the Fed Chair.
As a new voting member on interest rates this year, Paulson's perspective carries significant weight. She supported the central bank's rate cuts at its last three meetings, including the December decision that brought the target range to between 3.5% and 3.75%.
Looking ahead to the January 27-28 meeting, Paulson indicated she is comfortable maintaining the current policy stance. She views present interest rates as slightly above neutral, a level she believes is appropriate for guiding inflation back down to the Fed's 2% target.
"I want monetary policy restrictiveness to be playing a role to get us all the way back to 2%," she explained.
Conditions for Future Rate Cuts
While favoring a pause for now, Paulson suggested she could be open to modest rate cuts later in 2026 under specific conditions. A policy shift would depend on one of two potential developments:
• Inflation Eases: Data confirms that price pressures are clearly diminishing.
• Labor Market Weakens: Job market conditions deteriorate unexpectedly.
Paulson added that she is paying close attention to January price data, as many businesses typically reset their prices at the start of the year.
A Calmer View on Inflation
Compared to some of her colleagues, Paulson described herself as less concerned about inflation. She cited evidence suggesting that the increases in goods prices seen in 2025 are likely to reverse this year, providing a potential tailwind for disinflation.

The UK government is pushing ahead with its 2030 clean power goals by launching the largest-ever expansion of offshore wind farms, a move that could add up to £1.8 billion annually to household energy bills.
In a recent auction, the government unveiled offshore energy sites with a combined capacity of 8.4 gigawatts—an output far exceeding analyst expectations and sufficient to power approximately 12 million homes.
Ed Miliband, the secretary of state for energy security and net zero, described the initiative as a "monumental step towards clean power by 2030," arguing that the new wind farms will be significantly cheaper to build than new gas plants.
The auction moves the UK closer to its ambitious target of generating 100% of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030. To drive this rapid expansion, however, ministers agreed to pay developers substantially more in this auction compared to last year's, which itself was pricier than the 2024 sale.
The government has positioned its green energy strategy as a flagship policy, framing the 2030 target as one of the most ambitious globally. The official argument is that this investment will ultimately lower bills by freeing the UK from "volatile" international oil and gas markets.
"With these results, Britain is taking back control of our energy sovereignty," Miliband stated. "This is a historic win for those who want Britain to stand on our own two feet, controlling our own energy rather than depending on markets controlled by petrostates and dictators."
Despite the government's optimism, the policy faces significant criticism, particularly as it coincides with multi-year lows in global oil and gas prices. Even with market shocks like Donald Trump's capture of Venezuela's Nicola Maduro and ongoing instability in the Middle East, crude oil is at its lowest nominal price in nearly five years.
Meanwhile, UK energy bills remain high, largely because the costs of the green transition are passed directly to households through a levy system that adds subsidies to customer bills.
An 'Expensive Vanity Project'
Claire Coutinho, the shadow energy secretary, sharply criticized Miliband's decision to grant developers 20-year guaranteed price contracts. She argued that he cared "more about his own clean power vanity project" than about consumers.
"He is cementing our uncompetitive electricity prices for even longer at a time when the world is becoming more unstable and we need cheap, reliable energy to compete," she wrote on X, adding, "Labour promised to cut your bills by £300. This was how Ed Miliband said he was going to do it."
Maurice Cousins, campaign director at Net Zero Watch, echoed these concerns, calling the auction "another hammer blow to the British economy." He dismissed claims that the results are cost-neutral.
"At £95/MWh (2026 prices), this is not a win," Cousins said. "It is a confession that the government's energy plan cannot deliver cheaper power. Moreover, once you factor in the so-called Clean Industry Bonus, prices are closer to £105/MWh."
He compared the deal to locking into a high-cost mortgage for two decades. "By the time network charges, balancing costs and other green levies are added, British businesses and families will still be left paying far more than our international competitors."
The latest auction represents the penultimate realistic opportunity for the government to scale up renewable capacity in time to meet its 2030 target. Next year's auction will need to secure an additional 7 gigawatts of wind farm capacity to stay on track.
Industry experts caution that a singular focus on wind is not enough. Enrique Cornejo, energy policy director at Offshore Energies UK, noted that while the auction is a "positive step," the grid's stability remains a priority.
"The UK will still need continued investment in producing homegrown gas and maintaining our gas generation infrastructure, which remains essential for providing the dispatchable power needed to keep the lights on when the wind doesn't blow and the sun doesn't shine," Cornejo said. "Long-term success for UK energy policy will rely on a balanced approach."
The United States and Taiwan have finalized a major trade agreement that includes a $500 billion investment commitment from Taiwanese semiconductor companies into American operations and a reduction in tariffs on goods from the island.
Under the new terms, tariffs on Taiwanese shipments will drop from 20% to 15%. This brings Taiwan in line with Japan and South Korea, which secured similar agreements last year. The deal resolves a significant point of contention between the US and Taiwan, which Washington supports militarily.
The agreement's financial core is a massive two-part investment from Taiwan's technology sector aimed at bolstering the American semiconductor supply chain.
• Direct Investment: Taiwanese firms will commit to at least $250 billion in direct investments to expand advanced semiconductor, energy, and artificial intelligence facilities in the United States.
• Credit Guarantees: An additional $250 billion will be provided in credit guarantees to support further investment in the US chip industry.
Commerce Department officials confirmed that Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. (TSMC) and other companies will spearhead the direct investment portion of the plan. The negotiations, led by Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, centered on semiconductors and the framework of the sectoral 232 tariffs.
The agreement also establishes specific tariff caps for other industries. US tariffs on Taiwanese auto parts, timber, lumber, and wood derivative products will be capped at 15%. Furthermore, generic pharmaceuticals manufactured in Taiwan will face no import taxes.
While the White House statement did not single out TSMC, the deal has direct consequences for the world's leading producer of AI chips. Reports earlier in the week suggested the agreement would require TSMC to construct at least four additional chip manufacturing plants in Arizona. This expansion would add to the six factories and two advanced packaging facilities the company has already pledged to build in the state.
To support this expansion, the deal provides tariff relief for companies building new US facilities. They will be permitted to import 2.5 times their current capacity tariff-free during the construction phase. Once the production facilities are operational, that cap will be lowered to 1.5 times their current capacity.
The agreement was announced shortly after a Taiwanese delegation visited Washington to finalize the terms with President Donald Trump's representatives. For months, Taiwanese officials had suggested a pact was imminent.
The deal's framework stems from a Commerce Department investigation that determined chip imports pose a threat to US national security. Instead of imposing broad tariffs, President Trump directed his administration to negotiate arrangements with major exporters. A narrow 25% duty was applied only to certain advanced semiconductors intended for overseas shipment, a move relevant to Nvidia Corp.'s plans to send Taiwan-made H200 AI processors to China.
Taipei was reportedly eager to conclude a deal before a potential meeting between President Trump and Xi Jinping in China, expected in April. The announcement also comes as the Supreme Court prepares to rule on Trump's global tariffs, a decision that could affect his authority to set levies unilaterally.
This agreement provides a boost to Taiwan's economy, which is already thriving on the back of high demand for its tech exports, particularly the accelerators and servers fueling the global AI boom.
Taiwan recently revised its GDP growth forecast for 2025 to 7.3%, which would mark its strongest performance since 2010. The surge in tech exports also helped drive its annual trade surplus with the US to a record $150 billion in 2025.
Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te has expressed support for Trump's goal of reindustrializing the US, though he noted that reforms to American land, electricity, and workforce policies are necessary for projects to succeed. Previously, Taipei had resisted a request to move enough chip production to the US to satisfy half of America's demand.

President Donald Trump is set to select the next chair of the Federal Reserve within weeks, a decision that will profoundly shape U.S. monetary policy and the global economy. The White House confirmed the upcoming announcement, noting the president is considering several qualified individuals for one of the most powerful economic roles in the world.
For investors, businesses, and policymakers, this choice is critical. The next Fed Chair will steer the central bank's strategy on interest rates, inflation, and financial stability at a complex moment for the U.S. economy, which is navigating strong job growth alongside persistent inflation concerns.
The Federal Reserve Chair leads the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), the body responsible for setting the federal funds rate. This benchmark rate directly influences the cost of everything from mortgages and car loans to business borrowing and the value of the U.S. dollar. The nominee's philosophy on inflation and employment will set the central bank's course for years to come.
Financial markets are highly sensitive to signals about Fed leadership. The announcement of a decision timeline alone can trigger volatility in stocks and bonds as investors analyze potential nominees for clues on the future path of interest rates.
• A hawkish candidate, who prioritizes fighting inflation with higher rates, could strengthen the dollar but create headwinds for the stock market.
• A dovish candidate, who might favor lower rates to support growth, could boost equities but risk letting inflation run higher.
Beyond Wall Street, the decision directly impacts Main Street. Small business owners seeking capital, families looking to buy a home, and consumers financing purchases all have a stake in the Fed's policy direction. The chair's approach to bank regulation also shapes credit availability across the economy.
While the White House has not released an official list, analysts have identified several leading candidates based on their experience and public statements.
• Jerome Powell (Incumbent): Appointed by President Trump in 2018, Powell has overseen a period of initial rate hikes followed by aggressive stimulus during the pandemic. His current policy is focused on combating inflation through rapid rate increases. A reappointment would signal policy continuity.
• Lael Brainard (Vice Chair): A Fed Governor since 2014, Brainard is known for emphasizing the importance of a strong labor market and robust financial stability. She is often perceived as leaning more dovish than some of her colleagues.
• John Williams (NY Fed President): As the head of the New York Fed, Williams has a permanent vote on the FOMC. He is a respected economist known for a data-driven, technocratic approach to monetary policy.
• Kevin Warsh (Former Fed Governor): A known critic of the Fed's post-2008 policies, Warsh could signal a significant policy shift. He is seen as a hawk who might advocate for a more rules-based monetary framework and a faster reduction of the Fed's balance sheet.
• Glenn Hubbard (Former White House Economist): Hubbard served as Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers under President George W. Bush. An academic with market-oriented views, his appointment would also suggest a change in direction.
Due to the U.S. dollar's status as the world's primary reserve currency, the Federal Reserve effectively acts as the global central bank. Policy decisions made in Washington create ripple effects that are felt in financial markets from Europe to Asia.
Emerging markets are particularly exposed to shifts in U.S. monetary policy. Higher U.S. interest rates can trigger capital outflows from these nations, leading to currency depreciation and increased costs for servicing dollar-denominated debt. International bodies like the IMF will be closely watching the nominee's stance on global economic cooperation and crisis management.
The path to confirming a new Federal Reserve Chair is a multi-step, politically sensitive process:
1. Nomination: The President selects and nominates a candidate.
2. Committee Hearings: The Senate Banking Committee conducts confirmation hearings to vet the nominee.
3. Full Senate Vote: The nominee must be approved by a simple majority vote in the full Senate.
While past chairs like Jerome Powell and Janet Yellen secured bipartisan support, the current political climate could make for a contentious confirmation, especially in a narrowly divided Senate.
Jerome Powell is the current Chair of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. He was first appointed by President Trump.
The Chair of the Federal Reserve serves a four-year term and can be reappointed by the sitting president, subject to Senate confirmation.
The Chair leads the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC), which votes to set the target for the federal funds rate. This rate serves as the benchmark for short-term borrowing costs throughout the entire U.S. financial system.
The Federal Reserve is designed to be independent of short-term political pressure. The Chair is expected to make monetary policy decisions based on economic data and the Fed's dual mandate of achieving maximum employment and stable prices, ensuring credibility in financial markets.
If a nominee fails to win Senate confirmation, the President must nominate another candidate. In the interim, the Fed's Vice Chair would typically lead the central bank to ensure operational continuity.
Spain is launching a €10.5 billion ($12.2 billion) sovereign investment fund to sustain economic momentum as the European Union's post-pandemic recovery program concludes.
Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez announced the initiative, designed to ensure Spain's growth trajectory continues after the EU's Next Generation funds expire in 2026.
"We're going to create a major sovereign fund that will take over from the Next Generation funds and extend their momentum, making their legacy endure beyond 2026," Sanchez stated at an investor event in Madrid.
The new fund will be backed by "European funds" and is engineered to attract significant private capital from both domestic and overseas investors. The government's goal is to leverage the initial state investment to generate a total of up to €120 billion.
Key sectors targeted for investment include:
• Energy
• Infrastructure
• Housing
• Security
This strategic focus aims to modernize critical areas of the Spanish economy while building on the foundation laid by previous EU support.
Spain has been one of the primary beneficiaries of the EU's NextGeneration program, a massive effort to help member states recover from the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.
In exchange for implementing key legal reforms, Spain was allocated nearly €80 billion in grants and another €83 billion in loans. The government strategically declined a large portion of the loans, citing its strong access to capital markets.
These funds have been a cornerstone of Sanchez's economic policy, acting as an alternative budget and helping Spain's economy expand at nearly twice the rate of the Eurozone average.
The new fund marks a deliberate pivot. As Sanchez explained, "If the NextGen funds were an exercise in European sovereignty, the Spain Grows Fund will be an exercise in national sovereignty."
At first glance, Donald Trump seems poised to achieve what was once unthinkable: creating a new oil cartel to rival OPEC. By asserting control over Venezuela and a potentially new government in Iran, the U.S. could theoretically influence 42% of global oil production, giving it a kill switch on China's energy-importing economy.
But this theory overlooks a fundamental rule of the global energy market. While diplomatic pressure can change leaders, it rarely breaks the deep-rooted commercial ties between oil producers and their biggest customers. History shows that those who try to control these flows almost always fail, and China's strategic position makes it particularly resilient.
The idea that the U.S. could choke off China's energy supply hinges on its influence in key producer nations. After the capture of former Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro on January 3, and with hypothetical backing for regime change in Iran, Washington appears to hold powerful cards. Since China is the top importer for both Venezuela and Iran, Beijing looks uniquely vulnerable.
However, this view is too simplistic. The underlying relationships that drive the oil trade are far more durable than political alliances. China's role in Venezuela's future is already central, and its relationship with Iran is even more deeply entrenched, making it unlikely to crumble under U.S. pressure.
Even if a new government in Tehran sought better relations with the West, abandoning its strategic alignment with China is not a realistic option. The two nations are connected through a complex network of economic, diplomatic, and security interests.
Key pillars of the China-Iran partnership include:
• A 25-year strategic pact signed in 2021, outlining $400 billion in potential Chinese investments that provide a lifeline against international sanctions.
• Military cooperation, including joint naval exercises with other nations like South Africa and the United Arab Emirates.
• Shared geopolitical goals, with President Xi Jinping backing Iran's entry into the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in 2023 and the expanded BRICS bloc to challenge U.S. dominance.
Beijing's approach is pragmatic. While Chinese officials express concern over recent protests in Iran, their primary position is to support stability. This allows China to position itself as a rational global actor, contrasting with what it portrays as an unreliable and predatory U.S. foreign policy.
Fears of oil being used as a geopolitical weapon are common, but history shows that producers rarely cut off customers for political reasons. The 1973 Arab oil embargo is a famous example, but its stated goal—to end Western military support for Israel—ultimately failed, demonstrating the limits of such tactics.
More recent examples reinforce this pattern:
• The U.S. continued to import Iranian oil intermittently for eight years after the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
• The European Union is not expected to phase out Russian gas imports completely until late next year, five years after the invasion of Ukraine.
The case of Venezuela further proves the point. Instead of being locked out, China is already being courted as a principal customer for post-Maduro oil by commodity trading giants Trafigura Group and Vitol Group. The market finds a way.
There was one instance when an oil embargo had a decisive geopolitical impact: in 1941, when the U.S. halted oil exports to Japan. At the time, America supplied roughly 90% of Japan's fuel, and the cutoff directly precipitated the attack on Pearl Harbor.
Today, Trump has no such leverage over China. Russia is the only country that supplies more than 10% of China's crude oil, and most other major suppliers are middle powers unlikely to bow to U.S. demands.
Furthermore, China is actively reducing its vulnerability. The rapid adoption of electric vehicles is projected to cut Chinese oil demand by 1.76 million barrels this year. This figure is roughly equivalent to the combined oil imports from Iran and Venezuela, effectively neutralizing the threat of a supply cutoff from those two nations.
Oil is a fungible commodity that always finds its level, seeping through the narrowest cracks to connect sellers with buyers. The fundamental laws of trade and geopolitics have not been suspended. Anyone betting that a single leader can suddenly control the global flow of energy is likely to be disappointed.
Recent rhetoric from President Donald Trump has renewed discussions about US control over Greenland, forcing a serious strategic question: if the US were to take military action, what would that actually look like? While a US invasion of Greenland would be a relatively simple military exercise, the political and diplomatic fallout would be catastrophic.
Greenland is the world's largest island—vast, sparsely populated, and strategically invaluable to the United States. Its location is critical, sitting astride the Greenland-Iceland-UK (GIUK) gap, a key chokepoint for transit routes in the Arctic and North Atlantic.
This geography makes the island essential for early warning systems, missile defense, and broader Arctic operations. The US already operates space and missile warning assets from Thule Air Base in Greenland. As Arctic ice recedes, the island's value is increasing, and the Trump administration has grown concerned about denying Russia and China access to the region.
Denmark, which governs Greenland as a territory, maintains a minimal permanent military presence. The Danish forces on the island consist of small patrol units, Arctic command elements, and limited surveillance assets. There are no fighter jets, missile defenses, or heavy ground troops.
Essentially, Denmark maintains its sovereignty through administration, not military force. Realistically, Copenhagen cannot defend Greenland from a major power. The island's defense relies on NATO, diplomacy, and the fragile assumption that allies will not act against one another.
A US move to take control of Greenland would not be a traditional invasion with beach landings and large-scale combat. Instead, the operation would focus on rapidly securing key infrastructure like airfields, ports, and communication hubs. The primary military effort would be centered on access, control, and logistics. Given Greenland's sparse population, this would likely not require a large US military footprint.
Resistance to an American takeover would be fierce, but it would be political, not military. The biggest challenges for the US military would be battling the harsh weather and managing the international fallout, not overcoming Danish forces.
Following a hypothetical US seizure, Denmark's response options would be severely limited. Copenhagen would issue diplomatic protests, appeal to NATO, and pursue international legal action, but any military response would be symbolic at best. While Denmark could raise the issue at the UN, enforcement mechanisms are weak, and the US has consistently asserted its sovereignty over UN requests.
Denmark's only real leverage is political—an appeal to the norms of alliance and diplomacy. Retaking the island by force is not an option.
The ripple effects would devastate NATO cohesion and undermine trust in American leadership. While NATO has no formal mechanism to resolve disputes between members, a US action against Denmark would force allies to question the value and reliability of aligning with the United States, imposing significant strategic consequences.
So, would the US actually proceed with military action? It already enjoys strategic freedom in Greenland, with access and bases secured. A formal takeover offers marginal military gain at a gargantuan political cost. Overtly seizing the massive territory would almost certainly not be worth the diplomatic headache.
The question the Trump administration must answer is not whether it can take Greenland by force, but whether it makes any strategic sense to do so.
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