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According to the flash estimate, Poland's GDP increased by 3.7%YoY in 3Q25, after a 3.3%YoY growth in 2Q25, beating other CEE countries (Czechia: 2.7%, Hungary: 0.6%) and the EU as a whole (1.5%).

According to the flash estimate, Poland's GDP increased by 3.7%YoY in 3Q25, after a 3.3%YoY growth in 2Q25, beating other CEE countries (Czechia: 2.7%, Hungary: 0.6%) and the EU as a whole (1.5%). A low reference base partially explains the sizeable increase in the annual growth rate due to subdued economic activity in September 2024, when the country experienced flooding, but seasonally adjusted data indicates that the pace of expansion remained at a solid 0.8%QoQ as in 2Q25.
A detailed GDP report, including its composition, will be published on 1 December, but data released so far indicate an improvement in industry vs. 2Q25, a slightly slower annual increase in retail trade, and continued recession in construction. We estimate that the services sector remained in good shape and supported GDP growth in 3Q25, but we hoped for stronger activity in this area of the economy. From the expenditure side, GDP was propelled by buoyant household consumption that probably expanded at a similar annual rate as in the previous quarter. At the same time, the expected rebound in investment activity has been delayed explained by, among other things, to the slow implementation of domestic Recovery and Resilience Fund (RRF) financed projects and their necessary revisions.
We still expect 3.5% GDP growth in Poland this year. Data released so far shows that the scenario of much stronger fixed investment performance this year is not materialising, but it is compensated by the resilience of private consumption, which is proving to be stronger than expected earlier. The timeline of RFF execution gives ground for optimistic forecasts of fixed investment in 2026.
Poland's economy is set to maintain growth in excess of 3%, outpacing the EU average and CEE peers, which have underdelivered on GDP growth for the second year in a row. The country's robust growth is accompanied by the absence of major external or internal imbalances. The current account deficit is around 1% of GDP, while CPI inflation is close to the central bank's 2.5% target.
Substantial imbalance is observed between the public sector (high deficit) and the domestic private sector (low investment, high savings). We stick to our full-year GDP forecast at 3.5%YoY in 2025 and expect the economy to sustain a similar level of activity in 2026 (3.4%YoY).
It's going to be a long next 10 years for investors in US stocks, according to Peter Oppenheimer.
The Goldman Sachs strategist, who correctly predicted Wall Street's underperformance this year, sees US equities continuing to lag other markets for the next decade.
Oppenheimer and his team expect the S&P 500 to achieve annual returns of 6.5% in the coming 10 years, the weakest among all regions. Emerging markets are projected to be strongest, at 10.9% a year.
After a decade of constantly superior performance, driven by a surge in technology stocks and the craze for artificial intelligence, the S&P 500 has lagged behind global peers this year. The benchmark has climbed 16%, compared with the 28% rally in a worldwide MSCI index that excludes the US. In the coming years, the strategists expect emerging-market gains to be driven by strong earnings growth in China and India. Goldman Sachs has this advice for long-term investors: "Diversify beyond the US, with a tilt toward emerging markets." —Michael Msika
On this week's Trumponomics, host Stephanie Flanders explores how Democrats are repurposing Donald Trump's 2024 campaign theme — affordability — as their own political cudgel. Listen on Apple, Spotify or wherever you get your podcasts.
The weakness in the Japanese yen is pushing the currency towards levels that have prompted authorities to step in. Traders are skeptical, though, that direct intervention will help as much this time around.
Unlike last year, when intervention took place in the runup to higher interest rates by the central bank, this time around Japan would be buying yen just as Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi signals her desire for a slowdown in rate increases.
Officials would also be wading into the market when Takaichi's plans to boost spending are fueling the yen's weakness. Additionally, any intervention would risk depleting Japan's foreign exchange reserves needed to help fund a US investment package to placate President Donald Trump.
"It's a different environment," said Marito Ueda at SBI FXTrade. "If Takaichi's policies head in the direction of fiscal expansion, even if the government can stop the yen's decline in the short term, it'll just go back to weakening."
The yen has fallen 4.5% against the dollar this quarter, the most among its Group of 10 peers, to about 154.
A weakening yen aids the country's mighty exporters by boosting the value of their repatriated earnings. But failing to act to limit the currency's depreciation could trigger criticism from Washington, with Trump previously complaining Japan has sought a trade advantage through foreign exchange policy. —Mia Glass and John Cheng
Global South cooperation arrangements must evolve to better respond to pressing contemporary and imminent challenges, rather than risk being irrelevant straitjackets stuck in the past.
In 1967, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) was established initially to address regional tensions following the formation of Malaysia in September 1963.
The creation of Malaysia had led to problems with the Philippines and Indonesia, while Singapore had seceded from the new confederation in August 1965.
Asean was not a Cold War creation in the same sense as the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (Seato), one of several regional security arrangements established by the Americans in the early 1950s, the only significant one remaining being the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Nato).
Asean's most significant initiative was to declare Southeast Asia a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (Zopfan) in 1973, two years before the end of the Indochina wars.
The region has since seen four major economic initiatives, with the first being the Asean Free Trade Area (Afta).
Afta was established at the height of the trade liberalisation zeal in the early 1990s. Beyond the initial "one-time" trade liberalisation effects, there has been little actual economic transformation since then.
Trade liberalisation mahaguru Jagdish Bhagwati's last (2008) book, Termites in the Trading System, saw preferential plurilateral and bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) as "termites" undermining the World Trade Organization (WTO) promise of multilateral trade liberalisation.
While seemingly mutually beneficial, such FTAs are akin to termites that surreptitiously erode the foundations of the multilateral trading system by encouraging discrimination, thereby undermining the principle of non-discrimination.
Naive enthusiasm for all FTAs has thus actually undermined multilateralism, also triggering pushback since the late 20th century.
Following the 2008/09 global financial crisis, the G20's developed economies all raised protectionist barriers, confirming their dubious commitment to free trade.
Meanwhile, US trade policies since the Barack Obama presidency, and especially this year, have made a mockery of the WTO's commitment to the multilateralism of the1994 Marrakech Declaration.
The 1997/98 Asian financial crisis should have served as a wake-up call about the dangers of financialisation, but the West dismissed it as simply due to Asian hubris.
Under managing director Michel Camdessus, International Monetary Fund (IMF) promotion of capital account liberalisation even contravened the fund's own articles of agreement.
When Japanese finance minister Kiichi Miyazawa and vice-minister of finance Eisuke Sakakibara proposed an East Asian financial rescue plan, it was soon killed by then US Treasury Deputy Secretary Larry Summers.
Eventually, the Chiang Mai Initiative was developed by Asean+3, including Japan, South Korea and China as the additional three, ensuring that bilateral swap facilities for financial emergencies have since been multilateralised.
Asean+3 later led the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, still conceived mainly in terms of regional trade liberalisation.
Developing relevant institutions and arrangements in our times requires us to pragmatically consider history, rather than abstract, ahistorical principles.
The year 2025 marks several significant anniversaries, most notably the end of World War II in 1945 and the 1955 Bandung Asia-Africa solidarity conference, which anticipated the formation of the non-aligned movement.
The world seems to have lost its commitment to creating the conditions for enduring peace. Despite much rhetoric, the post-World War II commitment to freedom and neutrality in the Global North has largely gone.
The world was deemed unipolar after the end of the Cold War. However, for most, it has been multipolar, with the majority of the Global South remaining non-aligned.
As for peace-making, the US' Nato allies have increasingly marginalised the United Nations and multilateralism with it. Already, the number of military interventions since the end of the Cold War exceeds those of that era.
While Asean cannot realistically lead international peace-making, it can be a much stronger voice for multilateralism, peace, freedom, neutrality, development and international cooperation.
The world economy is now stagnating due to Western policies. Hence, Asean+3 has become more relevant.
Just before US President Donald Trump made his April 2 Liberation Day unilateral tariffs announcement, the governments of Japan, China and South Korea met in late March without Asean to coordinate responses despite their long history of tensions.
Asean risks becoming increasingly irrelevant, due to the limited progress since the Chiang Mai Agreement a quarter of a century ago. Worse, Asean's regional leadership has rarely gone beyond trade liberalisation, now sadly irrelevant in "post-normal" times.
Rather than risk growing irrelevance, regional cooperation needs to rise to contemporary challenges. Working closely with partners accounting for two-fifths of the world economy, Asean countries only stand to gain from broader regional cooperation.
Trump's "shock and awe" tariffs and Mar-a-Lago ambitions clearly signal that "business as usual" is over, and Washington intends to remake the world. Will East Asia rise to this challenge of our times?
Jomo Kwame Sundaram is senior adviser at Khazanah Research Institute (KRI). A former economics professor, he was United Nations assistant secretary-general for economic development. He is a recipient of the Wassily Leontief Prize for Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought.
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