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U.S. Treasuries and stocks slid as Trump’s firing of Fed Governor Lisa Cook stoked fears over central bank independence. French bonds and equities tumbled on looming government collapse, while gold rose and oil retreated.
US orders for business equipment increased in July by more than projected, suggesting companies are moving forward on investment plans as some of the trade and tax policy uncertainty gradually diminishes.
The value of core capital goods orders, a proxy for investment in equipment that excludes aircraft and military hardware, increased 1.1% last month after a revised 0.6% decrease in June, Commerce Department figures showed Tuesday.
Bookings for all durable goods — items meant to last at least three years and including orders for commercial aircraft and military equipment — fell 2.8%. Earlier this month, Boeing Co. reported a fewer orders in July than in June.
Non-defense capital goods shipments including aircraft, which feed directly into the equipment investment portion of the gross domestic product report, rose 3.3%. Rather than orders, which can be canceled, the government uses data on shipments as an input to GDP.
Despite the gain, economists expect business investment to be soft for the remainder of the year before picking up in 2026 as companies take advantage of tax provisions after President Donald Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill. In the first half of this year, companies were largely cautious about capital spending because of erratic tariff announcements and concerns about demand.
In addition to a Boeing-related surge in business investment in the first quarter, companies ramped up spending on equipment to speed the use of artificial intelligence. AI and similar capital expenditures have the potential of boosting productivity for companies aiming to offset higher costs, including import duties.
The durables report showed orders for electrical equipment, computers, machinery and metals increased last month. Bookings for motor vehicles also picked up.
The government’s report showed core capital goods shipments, a less volatile metric that excludes planes and military hardware, rose 0.7% after an upwardly revised gain in the previous month.
Economists prefer the core equipment shipments figure to gauge underlying capital investment since there are extremely long times between ordering aircraft and military hardware and the actual shipment taking place.


The traditional end of the US summer is days away and the kids are returning to school. So here are three things I have on my mind as the steamy August tariff nights give way to what may end up being a defining autumn.
One of the oft-repeated lines in recent weeks has been that while Trump’s tariffs may have steadily ratcheted up to a level not seen since the 1930s at least they’ve brought an end to a dreaded uncertainty.
Yet with so-called secondary tariffs of 50% on Indian goods about to take effect at a minute past midnight tonight in Washington because of India’s imports of oil from Russia and major sectors like pharmaceuticals and semiconductors still waiting to learn what duties they will face, it seems premature to call an end to uncertain times. Or any top for that matter.
Moreover, in recent days Trump has announced new national security investigations into wind turbines and imported furniture. Late Monday he turned to social media to threaten nations that apply digital taxes with retaliation as well. Also looming this week is the end to immunity for small packages from US duties.
Then there’s the legal uncertainty hanging over Trump’s original Liberation Day tariffs with an appellate panel and the Supreme Court set to rule in the coming months whether the power Trump invoked was even legal.
Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent declared last week that he was satisfied with the state of tariffs and trade talks with China. And yet even the truce that Trump extended earlier this month feels fragile.
Trump on Monday hinted plans were afoot for him to visit Beijing either later this year or early next. Which may be the best signal that the coming months will see relative calm in relations between the world’s two largest economies.
But after that?
Maybe this is really what a new economic Cold War feels like. Perennial uncertainty and fear that either side could suddenly do something rash. Or that any misplayed incident could escalate quickly into economic Armageddon.
Trump’s comments Monday pointed to both an eagerness for peace through strength and a comfort with potential Armageddon.
“We have much bigger and better cards than they do,” he told reporters.
He also added later: “If we want to put 100%, 200% tariffs on, we wouldn’t do any business with China. And you know, it would be OK too.”
Which won’t comfort anyone who remembers how financial markets slumped the last time Trump imposed tariffs of more than 100% on imports from China.
This is the biggest question on my mind.
Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell offered a fairly grim picture in his Jackson Hole speech last week. The US economy, he said, is seeing inflation rising again thanks to the clear effect of tariffs, growth and consumer spending slowing and the labor market weakening.
The good news came only for those who interpreted Powell’s description of a weaker US as a sign the Fed will rescue the economy and cut rates as soon as September. Which is what it did in 2019, the last time it saw tariffs dragging on growth.
The economy in the first half of this year grew at half the rate it did in the same six months of 2024. It’s hard to predict things getting better with even apparent good news recently looking uglier once you account for the oddness of this year.
In a note to clients yesterday Goldman Sachs economists pointed out that a weaker dollar this year has inflated corporate earnings with many companies’ offshore revenues looking stronger when converted into dollars .
On a year-on-year basis, real revenues for the S&P 500 minus a volatile energy sector were up 4.8% based on the just-concluded earnings season. And yet, they added: “On a constant-currency basis, real revenue growth slowed to 2.7% for the S&P 500 while revenue declined for mid- and small-cap companies.”
Beyond Wall Street you have to wonder about the impact on the US economy of having a million fewer immigrants, as the Pew Research Center recently calculated. Which is the first decline in America’s immigrant population since the 1960s.
Beyond that, what of a rural economy in which American soybean farmers are again getting restless over lost overseas markets?
There are, of course, other things on my mind.
Given the indignant responses to Trump’s tariff hikes of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Brazil’s Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, are the BRICS about to accelerate their push back against American hegemony?
And where will all those Chinese goods once headed for American shores go?
Those first three, however, do feel like enough to contemplate for now as the summer sound of crickets fades.
—Shawn Donnan in Washington


Cambodia’s National Assembly yesterday passed a controversial legal provision giving the government the authority to revoke the citizenship of any Cambodian national accused of “colluding” with foreign powers.The amendment to Cambodia’s 1996 Law on Nationality passed the parliament with the unanimous support of the 120 lawmakers present.
As with so many other changes to Cambodian laws, the amendment follows a call by former Prime Minister Hun Sen, who, during a visit to troops serving along the disputed border with Thailand in late June, said that the country needed a law to strip the citizenship of those who “side with foreign nations to harm our country.”
The change required an amendment to the country’s Constitution that was passed nearly unanimously through both houses of parliament and signed by King Norodom Sihamoni last month. Article 33 of the Constitution previously stated that Khmer citizens “shall not be deprived of their nationality.” This line has now been removed and replaced with a phrase stating that “acquisition and loss of Cambodian citizenship, including withdrawal, shall be determined by law.”
The amendment has been opposed by Cambodian civil society groups, 50 of which claimed in a statement earlier this week that the new provisions are “vaguely written, and will have a disastrously chilling effect on the freedom of speech of all Cambodian citizens.”“The potential for abuse in the implementation of this vaguely worded law to target people on the basis of their ethnicity, political opinions, speech, and activism is simply too high to accept,” the groups stated. “The government has many powers, but they should not have the power to arbitrarily decide who is and is not a Cambodian.”
In responding to these criticisms, Justice Minister Keut Rith told lawmakers ahead of yesterday’s vote that the bill was aimed at safeguarding sovereignty and national security and would “only apply to individuals who collude with foreign powers to damage Cambodia’s national interests.” He added, “Its purpose is to protect patriotism and the loyalty of the Khmer people.” Interior Minister Sar Sokha similarly told the Assembly that the conditions outlined in the law would “apply only to traitors.”
None of this is very reassuring given the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP)’s history of using accusations of “treason” and “collusion” to silence dissenters and political opponents. As I noted after last month’s constitutional amendment, the law will most likely be used against Cambodian opposition figures living abroad, many of whom also hold or have sought to acquire foreign citizenship.
The attempt to proscribe foreign collusion takes on additional salience in the context of the current border dispute with Thailand, which flared into a five-day conflict in late July. The conflict has prompted a remarkable alignment of Cambodian media and expert opinion behind Prime Minister Hun Manet’s government, and a widespread sense of national emergency.
These new legal powers will give the CPP government ever more powers to police the bounds of political discourse, while the border dispute will only lower the threshold of what constitutes foreign “collusion” or “treason.” Given the prevailing atmosphere of patriotic fervor, few are likely to sound any note of opposition if the government accuses a certain group or individual of undermining national security or colluding with any other foreign power.
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