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Philadelphia Fed President Henry Paulson delivers a speech
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Government shutdown odds are rising as both Republicans and Democrats see political benefit in a stoppage. With talks stalled, Trump pushing mass firings, and neither side willing to yield, markets brace for Oct. 1.


Benjamin Netanyahu struck a defiant tone in his speech to the United Nations General Assembly, vowing to continue Israel’s war in Gaza until Hamas is destroyed and slamming Western countries that recognized Palestinian statehood in recent days.
“We will not commit national suicide because you don’t have the guts to face down a hostile media and anti-Semitic mobs demanding Israel’s blood,” the prime minister said in New York on Friday, referring to the recognition of Palestine by France, the UK, Canada and others. The message to Hamas, Netanyahu said, was that “murdering Jews pays off.”
Many delegates walked out as Netanyahu prepared to speak, leaving he hall largely empty.
Israel’s longest serving leader cited the country’s military successes over Iran-backed militias and Tehran itself over the past year. He said that while Israel wanted to end the war in Gaza “as fast as possible,” it wouldn’t stop until Hamas was defeated or surrendered.
He spoke of the violence perpetrated by Hamas — designated a terrorist organization by the US, European Union and others — on Oct. 7, 2023. That day, it attacked Israel, killing 1,200 people and taking another 250 as hostages.
He largely ignored the suffering of Palestinians in Gaza, beyond saying that Israel was doing all it could to prevent civilian casualties. He strenuously denied his government was carrying out genocide.
In a speech given at the launch of the a new village cooperatives scheme on 21 July 2025, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto promise to combat what he labels ‘greednomics’. His main concern was reports of rice traders in Indonesia buying low quality paddy, rough rice grain, at below-market prices to then sell milled rice dishonestly as premium quality rice, disenfranchising farmers and consumers. More broadly, Prabowo took issue with economic practices in which greedy traders prioritise profit at the expense of social interests.
Ad-libbing on how to resolve such fraudulent practices in rice distribution, Prabowo pointed to Article 33 of Indonesia’s Constitution, which mandates state control over important sectors of production and natural resources. But, except for a threat to ‘confiscate the rice mills and hand them over to cooperatives’, his speech was devoid of concrete proposals.
Speculation was rife in Indonesia as to whether this was an off-the-cuff comment without practical consequences or the start of a broader campaign to liberate Indonesia from the scourge of ‘greednomics’. So far, Prabowo has broadened his rhetoric against ‘greedy businessmen’, but has not yet specified concrete measures.
Focusing on fraudulent practices in rice distribution, Prabowo’s concerns about disenfranchised farmers and consumers are the latest iteration of an almost 90-year sequence of government attempts to control Indonesia’s rice market. Past governments’ justifications included arguments that middlemen exploit rice farmers and consumers. Jakarta’s solution was to establish rice logistics parastatal organisations to regulate or control the acquisition and milling of paddy and the distribution of milled rice, operating through village authorities or farmer cooperatives. Their stated aim was to guarantee fair prices to farmers and consumers and eradicate excessive greed of middlemen.
Indonesia has very mixed historical experiences with such parastatals. They contributed to the causes of disastrous famines in 1944–45 and 1964–65. In both instances, accelerating inflation eroded official purchase prices, after which administrative and military forces colluded to force farmers to surrender quotas of rice. Rice was siphoned off to black markets, fuelling illicit riches. Eroded purchase prices led farmers to decrease surplus rice production.
Things seemed to change with the establishment of the state food logistics agency Bulog in 1967. Increasing oil revenues allowed government subsidies that guaranteed farmers higher paddy prices, contributing to the success of Indonesia’s Green Revolution. But Bulog soon became a cesspool of greed. In 1968, Prabowo’s father, then minister of trade and industry Sumitro Djojohadikusumo, vowed to abolish it. But he failed — Bulog received a monopoly on rice distribution and became an ingrained feature of Suharto’s presidency.
Corruption scandals surrounded Bulog until it was stripped of its monopoly powers in 2003 following Suharto’s resignation. But a degree of control remained in the form of the government licensing of rice imports. Indonesian rice prices steadily exceeded prices in Thailand and Vietnam, major rice exporting countries. Anyone who could persuade the Indonesian Ministry of Trade of impending rice shortages to secure a licence to import rice gained a licence to print money. Several rice import scandals followed.
Indonesia already has extensive experience with efforts to control the perceived greed of middlemen. The previous, ineffective solutions are what Prabowo has again implicitly proposed — state control over rice distribution. In the past, each solution nurtured new rent-seeking opportunities. Will a Bulog 3.0 be any different?
Prabowo noted that the manipulation of rice distribution had caused ‘losses’ of 100 trillion rupiah (US$6 billion) annually in the form of unrealised revenues from taxing rice millers and traders. The implication was that resolving ‘greednomics’ in rice distribution would boost tax revenues by this amount. Eradicating ‘greednomics’ in rice distribution may lead to fair prices for farmers and consumers and more regular profits for rice millers and traders, but taxing those regular profits will not generate the same amount as the untaxed ‘greednomics’ profits of millers and traders.
Taking control of rice distribution would also come at a time when Indonesia’s rice is considerably more expensive than rice that can be imported from mainland Southeast Asia. At the same time, per capita production and consumption of rice is decreasing, not just because rice farmers are disincentivised by greedy middlemen, but because demand continues to shift to other food products.
The easy solution to ‘greednomics’ in rice distribution would be to lift restrictions on rice imports. Lower domestic rice prices will benefit consumers. Lower rice profitability will drive the greediest middlemen out of rice distribution and encourage rice farmers to diversify to farm products with higher value added and growing demand.
But such deregulation may not sit well with the policy rhetoric that Indonesia should have ‘food security’, even though Indonesia is importing record amounts of non-rice staples such as wheat and soybeans. Nor would it sit well with Prabowo’s strict reading of Article 33 in the Constitution that state control should take charge of securing social welfare for Indonesia’s people.
Pierre van der Eng is Associate Professor at the Research School of Management, The Australian National University.
Canadian GDP rose by 0.2% m/m in July, partly reversing three consecutive monthly contractions. The print was a tick hotter than consensus expectations.
Compositionally, 11 of 20 industries registered an increase on the month. Goods industries rebounded by a hefty 0.6% m/m, while the services sector nudged higher by 0.1% m/m.
On the goods side, a 1.4% m/m gain in the mining, oil & gas sector made the biggest contribution to headline growth. A 0.7% m/m increase in the manufacturing sector also provided an assist after falling last month. Elsewhere, the agriculture and construction sectors were up by a softer 0.1% m/m.
On the services side, gains in wholesale trade (0.6% m/m), transportation and warehousing (0.6% m/m) and real estate (0.3% m/m) did most of the heavy lifting. A weaker month for retail trade (-1.0% m/m) and information and cultural services (-0.6% m/m) counterbalanced some of the services side gains.
The advanced guidance for flat growth in August GDP is the result of gains in wholesale and retail trade that are offset by a reversal in the oil & gas, manufacturing, and transportation sectors.
Growth in Canada’s tariff-impacted industries contributed most to July’s brighter-than expected print. Stabilization across these sectors underpins our view that GDP growth in the third quarter is set to recover modestly after last quarter’s trade-driven contraction. Early-tracking suggests sub-1% annualized growth in Q3, which is in line with our expectations, and a touch below the Bank of Canada’s (BoC) most recent projections.
The BoC will take this reading in stride, as they continue to weigh the risks around inflation and growth. Looking forward, we maintain our view that the BoC has room to cut rates again in the fourth quarter. The growth backdrop is expected to gradually recover over the next couple quarters, but economic slack will persist. What’s more, the outlook continues to face considerable uncertainty, not least as Canada and the U.S. soon enter USMCA renegotiations.
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