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U.S. Treasury yields declined slightly across the curve on Friday as investors digested stronger-than-expected jobs data and recalibrated expectations for a Federal Reserve rate cut in December...



Once again, Europe finds itself on the outside looking in as a peace plan for Ukraine takes shape.
European Council President Antonio Costa confirmed at a press conference in South Africa today that the EU had not received communication about the US-Russia plan in advance. Now, the bloc is scrambling to respond, with the crisis set to overshadow the G20 meeting that starts tomorrow in Johannesburg.
In a phone call around lunchtime today, Kyiv's biggest European allies lined up with President Volodymyr Zelenskiy to reject key elements of the plan.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, France's Emmanuel Macron and Britain's Keir Starmer agreed that Ukraine's armed forces must remain capable of defending its sovereignty and that the current line of contact should be the starting point for any peace talks, according to a statement from the German government. Zelenskiy is also due to speak to Dutch Prime Minister Dick Schoof later today.
Leaders, including European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, will meet in person on the sidelines of the G20 tomorrow to map out next steps. Finnish President Alexander Stubb, who's earned a reputation as a Donald Trump whisperer, is also expected to fly in. The Europeans are hoping for a phone call with the US president, who has shunned the G20 gathering.
If this all sounds familiar, it's because it is. The last-minute diplomacy on display is reminiscent of the frantic efforts that unfolded in August when EU leaders sought to get Trump's ear before and after his summit with Vladimir Putin in Alaska. They also eventually managed an impromptu meeting in the White House a few days later.
The 28-point peace plan, obtained by Bloomberg, includes major concessions to Moscow. Among its proposals are that Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk would be "recognized as de facto Russian, including by the United States," while Ukraine would be required to give up any hope of NATO membership.
Zelenskiy said in his own statement this afternoon after the call with European leaders that Ukraine is "working on the document prepared by the American side," adding that it must ensure a "real and dignified peace."
As Ukraine peace talks enter a crucial phase this weekend, the EU is still struggling to finalize its own nascent plan to tap immobilized Russian assets. The Commission said today that its work on the plan would continue regardless of the new US-Russia peace plan.
With the US and Russia increasingly in the driving seat, Europe is feeling the pressure now more than ever to get its proposal over the line.
In the eight years since French President Emmanuel Macron announced a flurry of defense projects with German Chancellor Angela Merkel, two have been scrapped, one shelved indefinitely and two, including the Future Combat Air System plane, hit with delays and infighting between partners. The problems with these projects may require a new approach, such as reworking them or focusing on suppliers' skillsets rather than nationality, to overcome self-interest and achieve success, writes Bloomberg Opinion columnist Lionel Laurent.
Brexit has caused almost twice as much damage to the UK economy than estimated by official forecasts, according to a new paper from experts including a senior Bank of England economist. It shows that the 2016 vote to leave the EU has cost the country between 6% and 8% of GDP per person over the last decade, a hit of £180 billion to £240 billion.
Preparations for a financial-market meltdown by Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orban are baffling investors who see little signs of a looming collapse in the country, one of the world's best-performing emerging markets. The five-term premier has spoken repeatedly about the need for a "US financial shield" to protect Hungary — whose sovereign debt is backed by investment-grade ratings — in case of a speculative attack. He even drew parallels with Argentina, which has secured a lifeline from US President Donald Trump.
Standing before US-based Pakistanis in June at a dinner in Washington, Asim Munir beamed after meeting US President Donald Trump in the Oval Office.
Pakistan's most powerful army chief in decades told attendees that Trump had saved South Asia from catastrophe, crediting him with brokering a ceasefire that stopped a May clash with fellow nuclear power India, according to a person at the event, who asked not to be identified because it was private. Munir said he told Trump that Pakistan was ready for a new era of cooperation in areas like critical minerals and cryptocurrency after relations hit a fresh low under President Joe Biden, the person added.
A year ago, India was a central piece of the US's strategy to work with allies and partners to pressure China, with Pakistan largely an afterthought. Now US-Pakistan relations are on the rise as Trump hits India with high tariffs, upending more than two decades of US policy aimed at improving relations with the world's biggest democracy.
As Trump spars with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he's embraced Munir, the formerly obscure commander elevated to a national hero in the wake of the India clash. Pakistan lawmakers this month passed a constitutional amendment granting Munir, who holds the title of Field Marshal, lifelong immunity and control over all of the nation's armed forces, cementing his position as its strongest military leader since former dictator Mohammed Ayub Khan in the 1960s.
Trump now regularly praises Munir when he speaks about the India-Pakistan conflict, calling him a "great guy" and putting him on equal footing with Modi, who has rejected the US president's claims that he helped broker a ceasefire.
The shift in stance has revived Pakistan as a geopolitical power in the region. A close partner with China, which has poured money into the South Asian nation over the past decade, Pakistan signed a mutual-defense pact with Saudi Arabia in September and has mulled sending troops to the peacekeeping effort in Gaza.
Trump's shift more broadly has driven a wedge into what had been a largely bipartisan consensus in Washington to court India as a counterweight to China. Kurt Campbell, US deputy secretary of state in the Biden administration, told Bloomberg Television this month that "almost all of our strategic interests lie with India" and the "wholesale collapse" of relations between Trump and Modi would likely lead to some lasting damage.
At the same time, a healthy US-Pakistan relationship could also give the US leverage over India, according to Nisha Biswal, partner at The Asia Group and former US assistant secretary of state for South and Central Asian Affairs during the Obama administration. Ultimately, she said, "both relationships have to stand on their own merits."
"The extent to which the US can exert leverage and pressure on Pakistan, and has the relationship to do so in times of crisis, is an important aspect," she said. "You don't want a Pakistan that is impervious to US influence."
Across Pakistan, the shift in the nation's mood since the clash is palpable. Heroic portraits of Munir and other leaders adorn billboards, banners and magazine covers. Images of triumphant Pakistani aircraft downing Indian fighters are on display in government buildings in Islamabad as well as the atrium of the State Bank of Pakistan museum in Karachi. An artist's depiction of Pakistani warplanes zooming over a trio of battered Indian Rafale jets sits alongside historic rupee notes and portraits of graying central bankers.
In recent interviews with Bloomberg News, Pakistani officials in the government, the military and businesses described a sense of national renewal. Many see the India fight as an unqualified victory, backed by Islamabad's claims — denied by New Delhi but acknowledged by Trump — to have downed seven Indian fighters. The clash, they said, has united Pakistan, brought global prestige and opened new doors in world capitals.
"We defended ourselves and we won," Bilal Azhar Kayani, Pakistan's state minister of finance, said in an interview in Islamabad. "But in addition to that, the way we have conducted ourselves diplomatically in a changing and fluid global landscape has been commendable."
One outcome of the May clash has been even firmer alignment between Pakistan's military and civilian leaders, according to Jay Truesdale, chief executive at geopolitical risk consulting firm TDI and a former chief of staff at the US Embassy in Islamabad. That dynamic was underscored in September, when Trump hosted both Munir and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in the Oval Office at the same time.
"The way the Americans intervened and the outcome that took place, the Pakistanis can claim that they had a victory, and this has further galvanized the unity of effort," Truesdale said.
US officials say they aren't prioritizing Pakistan over India, and officials in Washington and New Delhi appear close to reaching a trade deal that would lower tariffs from 50% — among the highest rates in the world. "I don't think anything we're doing with Pakistan comes at the expense of our relationship or friendship with India, which is deep, historic and important," Secretary of State Marco Rubio told reporters last month.
Still, Rubio acknowledged an opportunity with Pakistan. "Our job is to try to figure out how many countries we can find, how we can work with on things of common interest," he said.
Pakistan and the US have been on-and-off partners since the Cold War, when Washington was looking for allies to stop the spread of communism. In 1971, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger used a Pakistani plane from Islamabad for a secret diplomatic mission to China. In the 1980s, Pakistan cooperated with the US to funnel support to Afghan insurgents battling the Soviet Union. Pakistan later provided logistical support in the US's so-called war on terror.
As China emerged as Washington's chief rival, successive administrations drew closer to India, and ties with Pakistan — a longtime friend to Beijing — fell by the wayside. US-Pakistan ties further soured after the discovery of Osama bin Laden in a Pakistani compound, leading to his death in a daring American operation in 2011.
This year saw a sudden reversal. In a speech to Congress in March, Trump praised Pakistan for arresting the alleged mastermind behind a bombing in Kabul in 2021 that killed 13 US troops. Then in May, when tensions between India and Pakistan exploded into a four-day armed conflict, Trump claimed he intervened and brokered a ceasefire, a boast that left Pakistan elated, but Indian officials fuming. Pakistan went on to nominate Trump for a Nobel Peace Prize, while Trump referred to Munir as "my favorite field marshal."
Officials in Islamabad meanwhile prioritized areas close to Trump, including cryptocurrency and counterterrorism.
During his June visit to Washington, Munir said he would work with the White House on cryptocurrency. Just months earlier, officials of World Liberty Financial Partners — a crypto venture with ties to the Trump family — signed an initial cooperation agreement. In July, Pakistan and the US reached a trade agreement that left the nation's goods with a 19% tariff, lower than other countries in Asia and well below India's levy.
Pakistan has been shoring up its security on other fronts. Sharif signed an economic pact with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman last month, shortly after reaching a mutual-defense pact with the nation.
"Not only the Americans, but the world everywhere, they find in Pakistan right now a leadership that — despite all the challenges — is handling the affairs in a great manner," General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, Pakistan's top military spokesman, said in an interview in Islamabad.
A challenge for Pakistan is whether it can trust Trump and balance relations with the US and China, Islamabad's top supplier of weapons, infrastructure and aid. Sharif met with Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing during a regional summit in September, while Foreign Minister Wang Yi also met with Munir a few months earlier.
"China has been a longstanding partner, so has the US," Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb said in an interview in Islamabad. "They both know that we are well engaged on both ends."
Among the most touted sectors for investment have been Pakistan's resource wealth. Trump in July touted Pakistan's "massive" oil reserves, and a top US diplomat in Pakistan in August said US firms are showing interest in the sector, which has seen production fall for years.
A more promising sector is minerals. One prominent new US partner to date on this front is US Strategic Metals, a Missouri-based firm that in September signed a memorandum of understanding with an army-owned firm to develop Pakistan's rare earth resources.
The deal came together after an August meeting with Munir with other business executives in Florida, according to the company's commercial director, Mike Hollomon. Munir urged him to visit Pakistan "as fast as you can," he said.
Weeks later, Hollomon and other executives were in Islamabad meeting with Pakistani port operators. In October, the company began taking deliveries of small quantities of minerals for quality checks. The longer-term plan is to build rare-earths refining capacity in Pakistan, Hollomon said.
"We'd like this to become a political win for America," he said.
The United States has drafted a 28-point peace plan for ending the war in Ukraine which is being studied by Kyiv, Moscow and interested countries in Europe.
The plan, seen by Reuters, gives Russia - which is inching forward on the battlefield and controls almost one-fifth of Ukraine - much of what it wants.
But it also contains some unappetising proposals for Moscow which would leave it short of fully achieving its stated war aims and require its forces to pull back from some areas that they have captured.
Following are some of the points that are likely to prove contentious.
Under the proposals, Ukraine would have to cede the rest of the Donetsk region to Russia, a large area including the fortress cities of Sloviansk and Kramatorsk, which Ukraine still controls.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy has previously ruled out gifting Moscow any territory.
The agreement would also permanently lock in Russia's battlefield gains since February 2022 in the four Ukrainian regions it claims as its own - Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, Kherson and Donetsk. Russia's 2014 annexation of Crimea would become permanent too.
Ukraine would also have to compromise on the status of the Russian-controlled Zaporizhzhia nuclear power station, which would be restarted and its power shared 50-50 between Russia and Ukraine.
But recognition of those territories as Russian would be "de facto" - a status that Moscow might not want to accept.
Russia would be left without full control of Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, where a line would be drawn along the current front line freezing the status quo.
Russian troops would not be allowed to garrison the part of Donetsk that Ukraine would hand over. This would become a neutral demilitarised buffer zone controlled by and belonging to Moscow.
Russian forces would also have to withdraw from two other regions where they have taken territory - Kharkiv and Dnipropetrovsk.
Moscow says its forces have captured the city of Kupiansk in the Kharkiv region although Kyiv has denied this. Under the U.S. proposals, Moscow would have to retreat from Kupiansk.
Western governments have frozen about $300 billion of Russian assets, mostly in Europe, to punish Moscow for the war.
Russia wants those assets unfrozen and has threatened action against the European Union, which has produced a plan to issue a loan to Ukraine using cash balances accrued from the frozen securities.
But under the U.S. plan, Russia would have to hand over $100 billion to Washington which would lead an effort to rebuild Ukraine, with the U.S. reaping 50% of the profits from that work.
Another chunk of the frozen Russian assets would be ploughed into a joint U.S.-Russia investment vehicle, from which Moscow would get some benefit.
But the plan would give neither Russia nor Ukraine an entirely free hand when it comes to spending the frozen funds.
It could also torpedo EU plans to use the frozen funds to help Kyiv, though Russia would not get immediate relief from international sanctions: sanctions would be lifted in phases and on a case-by-case basis after discussions.
Ukraine would be forced to swallow a bitter pill by not being able under the plan to seek reparations for war damage from Russia through the courts.
Under the plan, Zelenskiy would have to permanently drop one of his most cherished ambitions - for Ukraine to join the U.S.-led NATO military alliance. NATO would agree to never admit Ukraine and the Ukrainian constitution would be amended to reflect that.
NATO itself would commit not to expand further, a key Russian demand, while there would be an "expectation" that Moscow would not invade its neighbours, cemented in a non-aggression pact between Russia and Ukraine and Europe.
Ukraine is likely to be disappointed by the vague language on the security guarantees it would receive from Washington. Beyond calling them "robust" and saying Kyiv would have to pay for them, there is no mention of what they might entail.
NATO troops could not be stationed in Ukraine, and Kyiv would have to commit to not becoming a nuclear-armed state under the proposals.
Ukraine would also be forced to cap the size of its army at 600,000 troops. It has previously resisted suggestions the size of its military should be limited.
The 600,000 figure is considerably less than the roughly 1 million people Ukraine says it has under arms. Russia has previously demanded Ukraine's army be cut to below 100,000 troops.
Ukrainian politicians have long talked about holding Russia accountable for its actions, but under the plan Kyiv would have to drop plans to pursue any legal cases seeking to prove that Moscow committed war crimes, something Russia denies.
Ukraine may also dislike proposals that would see Russia readmitted to the Group of Eight nations and re-integrated into the global economy.
Another clause talks of large-scale investment and business cooperation between the U.S. and Russia in areas such as rare earths, energy and the Arctic.
The plan also says Ukraine must be "de-Nazified," a reference to what Moscow says are nationalist anti-Russian military units and politicians. Kyiv says this portrayal is bogus.
The plan, without referencing Ukraine, says "all Nazi ideology or activity should be renounced or forbidden."
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