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Philadelphia Fed President Henry Paulson delivers a speech
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Palestinians in northern Gaza reported one of the worst nights of Israeli bombardment in weeks after the military issued mass evacuation orders on Monday, while Israeli officials were due in Washington for a new ceasefire push by the Trump administration.
Palestinians in northern Gaza reported one of the worst nights of Israeli bombardment in weeks after the military issued mass evacuation orders on Monday, while Israeli officials were due in Washington for a new ceasefire push by the Trump administration.
A day after U.S. President Donald Trump urged an end to the 20-month-old war, a confidant of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was expected at the White House for talks on a Gaza ceasefire, Iran, and possible wider regional diplomatic deals.
But on the ground in the Palestinian enclave there was no sign of fighting letting up.
"Explosions never stopped; they bombed schools and homes. It felt like earthquakes," said Salah, 60, a father of five children, from Gaza City. "In the news we hear a ceasefire is near, on the ground we see death and we hear explosions."
Israeli tanks pushed into the eastern areas of Zeitoun suburb in Gaza City and shelled several areas in the north, while aircraft bombed at least four schools after ordering hundreds of families sheltering inside to leave, residents said.
At least 25 people were killed in Israeli strikes on Monday, health authorities said, including 10 people killed in Zeitoun.
There was no immediate comment from the Israeli military, which says Palestinian militants embed among civilians. The militant groups deny this.
The heavy bombardment followed new evacuation orders to vast areas in the north, where Israeli forces had operated before and left behind wide-scale destruction. The military ordered people there to head south, saying that it planned to fight Hamas militants operating in northern Gaza, including in the heart of Gaza City.
A day after Trump called to "Make the deal in Gaza, get the hostages back", Israel's strategic affairs minister Ron Dermer, a confidant of Netanyahu's, was expected on Monday at the White House for talks on Iran and Gaza, an Israeli official said.
In Israel, Netanyahu's security cabinet was expected to convene to discuss the next steps in Gaza.
On Friday, Israel's military chief said the present ground operation was close to having achieved its goals, and on Sunday, Netanyahu said new opportunities had opened up for recovering the hostages, 20 of whom are believed to still be alive.
Palestinian and Egyptian sources with knowledge of the latest ceasefire efforts said that mediators Qatar and Egypt have stepped up their contacts with the two warring sides, but that no date has been set yet for a new round of truce talks.
A Hamas official said that progress depends on Israel changing its position and agreeing to end the war and withdraw from Gaza. Israel says it can end the war only when Hamas is disarmed and dismantled. Hamas refuses to lay down its arms.
The war began when Hamas fighters stormed in to Israel on October 7 2023, killed 1,200 people, most of them civilians, and took 251 hostages back to Gaza in a surprise attack that led to Israel's single deadliest day.
Israel's subsequent military assault has killed more than 56,000 Palestinians, most of them civilians, according to the Gaza health ministry, has displaced almost the entire 2.3 million population and plunged the enclave into a humanitarian crisis.
More than 80% of the territory is now an Israeli-militarized zone or under displacement orders, according to the United Nations.

According to the preliminary estimate, Polish CPI inflation in June rose to 4.1% year-on-year (ING: 4.0%, consensus: 4.0%) from 4.0% YoY in May. Food and non-alcoholic beverage price growth slowed, in line with our forecast, to 4.9% YoY from 5.5% YoY a month earlier. The year-on-year fall in fuel prices was 10.0% compared with 11.4% in May; this was steeper than our expectations, which took into account increases in petrol station prices in the second half of the month due to conflict in the Middle East. Energy prices increased by 12.8% YoY versus 13.0% a month earlier, in line with our forecasts. According to our estimates, core inflation – the main source of today's inflation surprise – rose to 3.4% YoY in July, up from 3.3% YoY in May.
Significantly lower-than-expected wage pressure in May and the government's decision to maintain the electricity price freeze for households in 2025 are signs of improvements made in the inflation outlook from the previous month. Despite today's data, our estimate is that CPI should be close to the National Bank of Poland's inflation target in July. This means that the Monetary Policy Council has room for further monetary easing.
In contrast, recent opinions from MPC members indicate that the chances of rate cuts in the coming months are low. They see wage growth above 6%, expansionary fiscal policy and tightening by other central banks in the region as arguments for a no-change policy. This week, the new NBP staff macroeconomic projection will be released, which, alongside NBP Governor Adam Glapiński's press conference on Thursday, should provide more insight into future monetary policy decisions.
We expect further interest rate cuts to be made in 25bp increments, occurring in September and November. At the end of 2025, we expect the reference rate to drop to 4.75%. Rate cuts should continue in 2026, when we estimate the main rate will hit 4.25%.
China will press on with levying anti-dumping duties on imports of stainless-steel products, including from Indonesia, as it seeks to protect a domestic industry battered by persistent oversupply and trade uncertainty.
Some traders and industry executives had expressed hopes the world’s largest metal consumer would reconsider its tariffs, particularly for Indonesia, given the role that Chinese companies have played in expanding nickel and stainless steel production in Indonesia, today among the top suppliers of both.
Beijing, however, has now ruled that lifting the measures would risk hurting its industry at home, according to a statement posted on the commerce ministry website on Monday. The levies — which cover stainless steel billet and hot-rolled coil from the European Union, the UK, South Korea and Indonesia — will remain in place for another five years.
When they were introduced in July 2019, China’s tariffs surprised the industry, given almost all stainless steel products from Indonesia in particular come from local ventures of large Chinese companies including Tsingshan Holding Group Co. Together, the two nations produce close to three-quarters of the world’s stainless steel.
But China’s slowing economy has hit demand, and both countries are threatened by the Trump administration’s aggressive tariff policies. Both nickel traded on the London Metal Exchange and stainless steel in Shanghai hit their five-year lows earlier this year amid sluggish demand and squeezed production margins. Tsingshan has been compelled to start suspending some stainless steel production at the Indonesia Morowali Industrial Park on the island of Sulawesi.
The levies on Indonesian producers will remain unchanged at 20.2%, China’s statement said. The trade ministry also kept a 43% duty on all stainless-steel products from EU and UK companies and 103.1% for most South Korean companies, according to the statement. Levies on products by Posco Holdings Inc, which has a price commitment with the Chinese government, will be kept at 23.1%.
In the domestic stainless market, privately owned Tsingshan and rival Jiangsu Delong Nickel Industry Co compete with state-owned titan China Baowu Steel Group Co.
Donald Trump's April tariff barrage felt like the height of hubris. It infuriated allies, damaged his popularity at home and triggered financial-market chaos so acute the whole thing was paused within days — the latest sign of America’s Icarus-like tendency to try to remake the world every few decades. Yet three months on, as the deadline for a compromise looms, Europe’s own syndrome risks emerging: a tendency to look more like a collection of Asterix villages than a cohesive whole.
It’s now looking increasingly likely that the European Union’s 27 members, whose common trade policy is led by Brussels, will be faced with what is called an “asymmetric” deal. There will be no removal of all tariffs imposed or threatened by Trump, including a baseline levy expected at 10%. If that’s the case, the UK’s bare-bones deal — which failed to cancel its own 10% tariff or a 25% levy on steel and aluminum — has become a kind of precedent: a few carve-outs, a gushing tweet and hope that Trump moves on. Canada has also become a precedent, withdrawing its digital services tax on tech companies after the US made it a red line for talks. Financial markets see cause for cheer as a de-escalation path takes form.
The question then becomes whether — or how — the EU retaliates. Aside from responding to the economic hit against an export flow worth $605.9 billion last year, from Airbus SE airliners to Volkswagen AG cars, not doing so might be a signal that bullying works. Last week, NATO allies agreed to more than double defense spending targets to 5% of gross domestic product (of which 1.5% would go on related infrastructure), addressing a Trumpian bugbear while also ensuring more orders for US arms. G-7 allies also appear to have offered concessions on global taxation of US companies in return for the dropping of a “revenge tax.” The EU has been offering other carrots for months, from buying more US imports to cooperating on China. Hence why Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen warned it might soon be time to “respond in kind.”
The thing about retaliation is that it requires unity, especially if the idea is to go beyond goods and into services provided by dominant US firms like Alphabet Inc. or Amazon.com Inc. And even if the EU Commission is taking a strident tone, the combination of geopolitical risk and weak economic growth doesn’t generally inspire unity. Few heads seem willing to rise above the parapet. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz wants to get on with delivering on lofty promises of national renewal, not get bogged down in a tariff war. Italy’s Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni might want to preserve her relationship with Trump, which was on display at the North Atlantic Treaty Organization summit. Countries to the east, closer to the war in Ukraine, are more focused on access to American hard power, as displayed in spectacular fashion in Iran.
And while French President Emmanuel Macron will want to play the role of trade warrior, even his administration might see the value of a focus on securing protections for its own industries like aerospace. Spain, the most recent target of a verbal lashing from Trump, seems somewhat isolated and hasn’t rallied much of a wave of solidarity. During the Brexit saga, the UK’s oft-repeated mantra was “no deal is better than a bad deal.” Nobody is saying that in Brussels these days, even as officials try to uphold red lines on defending existing regulation. Such is life when faced with the closest thing the world has to a superpower — and when dependency on said superpower runs deep, from security to technology.
To be clear, the EU is hardly powerless in trade; and after deepening cooperation with Japan and Canada, there will be added impetus to cut new deals elsewhere. As for the US, a last dash for the finish line may produce a better outcome than the one currently on the table.
But either way, the lesson for the EU is it must address the dependencies that help the bullying work. That will require collective action: on a defense industrial base that reduces fragmentation and increases innovation, on a capital market that’s failing to create and scale up new companies and on the technological gaps that make talk of sovereignty unconvincing. Icarus syndromes are quickly shaken off, but Asterix syndromes last forever.
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