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Despite strong earnings from AI giants like AMD and Palantir, U.S. tech stocks tumbled, revealing a growing disconnect between hype-fueled expectations and market behavior...
Zohran Mamdani was elected the 111th mayor of New York in a historic victory that will put an avowed democratic socialist in charge of the city that serves as the capital of global finance.
Mamdani, a Democrat, received 50.4% of the votes, while former Governor Andrew Cuomo, running on an independent line after his loss to Mamdani in the primary, garnered 41.3% with 75% of the vote counted, according to the Associated Press. Republican Curtis Sliwa got 7.5%.
When Mamdani is sworn in on Jan. 1, the 34-year-old state lawmaker from Queens will be the youngest person to hold the office in a century. He'll also be New York's first Muslim mayor and first person of South Asian descent to lead the city in its 400-year history. He'll replace first-term Mayor Eric Adams, who dropped out of the race amid low poll numbers and a series of scandals.
The election was one of the most competitive races the biggest US city had seen in more than a decade — a fact reflected in high levels of voter interest and turnout. More than 2 million people voted across New York City, the most since 1969, according to the New York City Board of Elections.
Mamdani broke through a crowded field of candidates in the June primary with a combination of charisma, social media savvy and messaging aimed at tackling New York City's affordability crisis, a strategy some political observers see as a model for national Democrats to emulate.
He campaigned on promises to freeze the rent on more than 1 million stabilized apartments, and fund free buses and universal child care with new taxes on corporations and high-earners. Median asking rents have surged to roughly $3,400 a month, and the city's housing vacancy rate reached 1.4% last year, the lowest in recorded history.
Mamdani also proposed ending mayoral control of the city's public schools and creating a new office within the New York Police Department to handle calls related to people suffering severe episodes of mental illness. He also wants to create five city-owned grocery stores to provide more affordable food options amid rising inflation.
His proposals and inexperience — he's sponsored only a handful of bills while serving three terms as a state assemblyman — unnerved business leaders, real estate groups and wealthy donors who poured money into PACs supporting Cuomo. (Former Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, the founder and majority owner of Bloomberg News parent Bloomberg LP, has contributed to PACs supporting Cuomo).
Mamdani built a massive army of volunteers and launched a prodigious fundraising effort that was able to raise millions of dollars from thousands of individual small-dollar donors, in order to leverage the city's generous public matching funds program. The city matches donations from city residents to mayoral candidates with $8 for every $1 given, up to a maximum of $250.
Mamdani's campaign energized younger voters who turned out in much higher numbers than they had in previous elections. He also appealed to New York's growing Asian electorate, who have risen to become nearly 16% of the population over the past 20 years.
One of his first challenges as mayor will be managing the city's relationship with the White House. President Donald Trump has repeatedly lambasted Mamdani, calling him a "communist lunatic" and threatening to withhold funding from the city.
"It is my strong conviction that New York City will be a Complete and Total Economic and Social Disaster should Mamdani win," Trump posted Monday on Truth Social. "I don't want to send, as President, good money after bad."
Mamdani and Cuomo offered voters starkly different visions on taxes and policing in a race that at times mirrored the divisions roiling the Democratic Party nationally. The election also became a microcosm of New Yorkers' views on ongoing conflicts in the Middle East, with Cuomo pledging support for Israel as Mamdani criticized the Jewish state's military action against Hamas in Gaza and Iran while advocating for Palestinian rights.
The former governor, the candidate with the most experience working in government, pitched himself to voters as a seasoned moderate who could manage New York's problems — from crime in the subways to the universally acknowledged affordability crisis. He touted his achievements as governor, including the much-lauded renovation of LaGuardia Airport and the opening of the Second Avenue subway line.
Mamdani is the Ugandan-born son of Oscar-nominated filmmaker Mira Nair and Mahmood Mamdani, a Columbia University professor and scholar of colonialism. He moved to New York at age 7, attended Bronx High School of Science and Bowdoin College in Maine, and tried his hand at multiple careers, including as a rap artist, working on his mother's films, and as a foreclosure-prevention counselor at a nonprofit named Chhaya before turning toward politics.
He became a naturalized U.S. citizen in 2018, and he first won election to the Assembly in 2020, representing a district in western Queens.
Disagreement and dissent among the Federal Reserve's 19-strong monetary policymaking committee is deepening as the fog of economic uncertainty thickens, putting Chair Jerome Powell's consensus-building skills to the ultimate test.
The Fed's decision last week to cut interest rates was unexceptional, but the meeting was historic. The 10-2 vote to cut rates by a quarter of a percentage point was only the third time since 1990 that voting Fed members dissented in favor of both tighter and looser monetay policy. Trump-appointed governor Stephen Miran voted to cut by 50 basis points, while Kansas City Fed President Jeffrey Schmid voted for no change.
These fissures were underscored by Powell in his post-meeting press conference. He told reporters that officials hold "strongly differing views about how to proceed", meaning easing in December is not the "foregone conclusion" markets had been pricing in. Indeed, December's decision may boil down to a coin-flip between another 25-basis-point rate cut or no change.
This all comes at a challenging moment. Not only are investors navigating an economic data drought caused by the U.S. government shutdown – set to become the longest on record – but the indicators that are available show both a weakening labor market and sticky inflation. Meanwhile, the Fed is being heavily politicized, with the Trump administration attacking the central bank's independence as it also prepares to nominate Powell's successor next year.
It's a perfect storm that markets don't need, especially ones priced for perfection.
There is always going to be a wide range of views on a 19-member committee, with 12 voting members at any one time, including a mix of Fed governors and presidents of the 11 regional Fed banks.
Broadly speaking, the current division between the "doves" and the "hawks" appears loosely to have governors on one side and regional bank presidents on the other. Both sides contain centrists, but the governors are leaning in favor of easier policy, with the regional Fed presidents more apt to be cautious about further rate cuts.
Since the Fed's meeting last Wednesday, concerns about cutting rates have been voiced by Dallas Fed President Lorie Logan, Kansas City Fed President Jeffrey Schmid, Cleveland Fed President Beth Hammack and Chicago Fed President Austan Goolsbee.
Meanwhile, Governors Miran, Christopher Waller, and Michelle Bowman have publicly supported the decision to cut last week and backed further easing. Waller and Bowman are on Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's short list to replace Powell, whose term as Chair ends in May.

Powell's leadership and ability to pull together a consensus in this climate will be severely tested, as recent policy meetings attest. Governors Waller and Bowman dissented in favor of a rate cut in July, and then there was the historic two-way dissent last month.
It's true that non-voting regional Fed presidents are flexing their muscles, but it remains to be seen how effective that will ultimately be. As Tim Duy, chief U.S. economist at SGH Macro Advisors, points out, "the power flows from the Board".
"It's more difficult for Powell to create a consensus in this space," Duy says, adding that Powell has done a "great job" in doing just that over the years of his chairmanship.
If this policy polarization intensifies, many investors operating today will be in unfamiliar territory, having grown accustomed to well-telegraphed, consensus-driven Fed policy.
James Egelhof, chief U.S. economist at BNP Paribas, argues that the "very high level of consensus" investors are used to might prove "elusive" in the months ahead.
Egelhof still expects the Fed to deliver further rate cuts, including in December, but he also thinks we could see a "rowdy and disorderly" process leading to a "bumpier and more unpredictable" path than investors typically face.
"Polarization leads to uncertainty," he says.
Of course, greater policy uncertainty tends to fuel market volatility and increased risk aversion, which, in theory, should be reflected in rising risk premiums or widening spreads. That hasn't happened yet.
But if the emerging splits on the FOMC continue to widen, we could see just that. Don't say you weren't warned.
The unemployment rate rose to 5.3% in the September quarter, as expected. Employment was flat and more people exited the labour force, but there was an encouraging lift in hours worked.
The September quarter labour market surveys were generally as subdued as we were expecting. The unemployment rate ticked up from 5.2% to 5.3%, its highest level since 2016. There was a similar rise in the broader underutilisation measure from 12.8% to 12.9%.
The number of people employed was flat for the quarter, broadly matching the signal from the Monthly Employment Indicator (noting that the MEI has picked up in the last two months but tends to be overstated on its initial release). With the working-age population growing by 0.3% over the quarter, this was absorbed through a combination of higher unemployment and lower participation. The participation rate fell from 70.5% to 70.3% – a slightly larger fall than we had assumed – and appears to have been spread across age groups.
One unexpected but encouraging result was a 0.9% rise in hours worked in the Household Labour Force Survey – the first quarterly increase since December 2023. The HLFS measure can be volatile and not necessarily a good indicator for quarterly GDP, but in this case it was backed by a rise in the jobs and hours measures in the Quarterly Employment Survey as well. Average hours worked had fallen markedly over the last year or so, implying that employers were adjusting to the soft economy by reducing hours rather than laying off workers; the latest quarterly result suggests that this trend is reversing (or was perhaps overstated in the first place).
Given the degree of slack in the labour market, wage trends were unsurprisingly subdued. The Labour Cost Index for all sectors rose by 0.4% for the quarter, a little below our estimate but in line with market and RBNZ forecasts. Public sector wages rose 0.6% (driven more by local than central government), while private sector wages were up 0.4%.
The unadjusted analytical LCI, which includes pay increases that are related to higher productivity, rose by 0.7% for the quarter. The annual growth rate slowed from 3.6% to 3.4%, its lowest since June 2021. The distribution of pay increases also continued to soften: 44% of roles saw no increase in the past year, the highest share since June 2021. For those roles that did see pay rises, the average size of the increase is converging on the 2-3% range.
The September quarter results were almost entirely in line with the RBNZ's forecasts, offering little for markets to chew on ahead of the 26 November Monetary Policy Statement. There are some early signs of the economy stabilising, but the existing degree of spare capacity will give the RBNZ confidence that inflation will moderate back towards the 2% target midpoint next year. We continue to expect a 25bp cut in November.
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