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The economic calendar for the week ending 10 October includes Jerome Powell’s speech, the US Government shutdown, postponed statistical releases, and the publication of the FOMC and ECB meetings minutes. Weak private sector employment data paint a bleak picture and.
The economic calendar for the week ending 10 October includes Jerome Powell’s speech, the US Government shutdown, postponed statistical releases, and the publication of the FOMC and ECB meetings minutes.

Weak private sector employment data paint a bleak picture and push the Fed towards aggressive monetary policy easing. This is especially true given that the White House has no intention of easing pressure on the central bank. Donald Trump recently posted a cartoon story about the dismissal of the Fed chairman. In this environment, Jerome Powell’s speech could provide investors with important clues.
As will the minutes of the meetings of the world’s leading central banks. Top ECB officials, including Philip Lane and Christine Lagarde, argue that the risks of inflation moving in either direction are limited. This allows investors to count on the end of the monetary expansion cycle. For the Fed, it has only just begun. In theory, this divergence should lead to the euro rising against the dollar.
However, the final word will be given by the US labour market report.
On October 4, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) parliamentarians and its rank-and-file members selected a new leader for a party that was in disarray and searching for a purpose. The party spoke: they picked Takaichi Sanae, a conservative politician who last served as economic security minister, as their new leader. And considering that the opposition parties – which hold a majority in both houses – have given up on forming a unified front against the LDP, it is likely that she will become Japan’s first female prime minister.
The result took experienced pollsters by surprise. It was widely speculated that, by the sheer number of his Diet member votes, Koizumi Shinjiro – whom Takaichi defeated – would triumph in the second round of voting. However, although a wide range of polls suggested that Koizumi would secure more than 90 Diet member votes (there were 92 Diet members, including proxies, at his election launch party), his actual first-round total was only 80, followed by Hayashi Yoshimasa with 72, who finished third in the first round. This proved fatal, as his relatively weak support among the rank-and-file could not convince the Diet members that he was the “favorite son.” Koizumi’s share of the prefectural vote was 11, in contrast to Takaichi’s 36 votes. The final tally in the second round of voting was 185 votes for Takaichi, and 156 votes for Koizumi.
Takaichi’s victory can be attributed to three main factors. First, when pressed with a choice, a relative majority of the eligible voters viewed Takaichi’s conservative appeal – which could help reclaim disaffected conservative voters – as a greater asset than Koizumi’s youth and inexperience.
Second, there was division within the group formerly known as the Kishida faction, headed by former Prime Minister Kishida Fumio. According to Yomiuri Shimbun, although Kishida preferred his members to vote for Koizumi rather than Takaichi – whom he described as “Taliban” for her strong conservative beliefs – in the second round, some refused to follow his guidance. This was partly out of respect for Takaichi, who was the most popular candidate in the first round, and partly due to resentment toward Kishida for hedging his bets with Koizumi instead of focusing his efforts on electing Hayashi, who was supposed to represent his faction.
Finally – and perhaps most importantly – was the strategic maneuvering of party elder Aso Taro, who saw an opportune moment to return to the party mainstream. Aso directed his own faction, the only remaining formal faction within the LDP, and made side deals with Kobayashi Takayuki and Motegi Toshimitsu, who placed fourth and fifth, respectively, in the first round of voting, to throw their support behind Takaichi. The fact that Takaichi appointed Suzuki Shunichi – Aso’s brother-in-law – as the LDP’s secretary general, the party’s second-most powerful position, is widely seen as a reward for Aso’s contribution.
Takaichi’s path to the premiership is filled with potential stumbling blocks, any of which could shorten her time in power. The first question that arises is how she will unite the party when nearly half of LDP voters did not support her in the leadership race. If she fails to create a “team of rivals” by appointing her competitors to positions that satisfy them – a pledge she appears willing to honor – Takaichi may lack the necessary support to endure difficult times. This could lead to internal opposition that may challenge her leadership as her two-year term as LDP president draws to a close.
The second hurdle is how to maintain – and potentially expand – her party’s coalition partnership. Prior to the election, the LDP’s more than two-decade-long coalition partner, Komeito, warned that they would only form a government with a “moderate conservative” – a gesture widely seen as an attempt to pressure Takaichi into softening her policy stances. Aware of the LDP’s heavy reliance on Komeito in nearly every electoral district, Takaichi has indeed moderated her positions and reiterated that the coalition with Komeito is vital.
At the same time, Takaichi, along with other LDP candidates, floated the possibility of including a third party in the coalition, potentially the Democratic Party for the People (DPFP) or Nippon Ishin no Kai, in order to escape minority status in both houses of the Diet. However, Komeito has shown reluctance to include Nippon Ishin in the ruling coalition due to policy differences and electoral rivalry. It may take some time for Takaichi to find a viable path to break the legislative gridlock.
The extent to which she is willing to compromise her beliefs to enact policy will be a crucial test of her leadership. A fiscal dove herself, Takaichi is an outlier in a party dominated by fiscal hawks – including her benefactor, Aso Taro. Although she has argued for pursuing her dovish fiscal and monetary policies in a “responsible” manner, her decision to challenge party orthodoxy may provoke backlash not only from powerful figures within the LDP but also from the public, particularly if such policies lead to a weaker yen, accelerate inflation, or fuel populist discontent.
Takaichi’s attitude toward historical issues has also worried some more moderate figures. If, after taking office as prime minister, she follows through with a visit to the Yasukuni Shrine – a custom she has regularly practiced, though she did not explicitly mention it during this election campaign – it would lead to diplomatic friction with South Korea and China. This is something that Komeito has explicitly demanded she refrain from doing. Moreover, her strict stance on public safety, which stems from growing concerns about the increasing number of foreigners, worries Komeito, which prefers more harmonious policies toward immigrants.
Whether Takaichi can rebrand herself as a pragmatic conservative will be equally important in placating both her domestic partners and foreign neighbors. At the same time, she faces a dilemma: a quick shift to the center before solidifying her support among the right-wing base may undermine her mandate to bring conservatives back into the fold.
Depending on how everything turns out, it will determine whether Takaichi becomes a Margaret Thatcher – the politician she admires most – or a Liz Truss, whose short tenure as U.K. prime minister was marked by the announcement of an extravagant spending scheme (including tax cuts and subsidies) that resembles Takaichi’s own proposals. Becoming the first female LDP president – and having the premiership within reach – is a remarkable achievement in itself. Takaichi is now entering the arena where she must learn and perform the “art of the possible.”
French Prime Minister Sebastien Lecornu tendered the resignation of his government on Monday, less than a day after naming his cabinet, after his ministerial picks provoked consternation amongst ruling alliance allies and opponents whose support is needed to pass a budget for 2026.
Here are some reactions to Lecornu's resignation:
MARINE LE PEN, LEADER OF THE FAR-RIGHT NATIONAL RALLY PARTY
"I call on the President of the Republic to dissolve the National Assembly (...) we are at the end of the joke, the farce has gone on long enough"," Le Pen told BFM TV.
FRANCOIS-XAVIER BELLAMY, EUROPEAN LAWMAKER, MEMBER OF THE CONSERVATIVE REPUBLICANS PARTY
"We have nothing to fear for ourselves from a dissolution of parliament."
DAVID LISNARD, MAYOR OF CANNES AND VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLICANS PARTY
"The interests of France require Emmanuel Macron to resign in order to preserve the institutions and unblock a situation that has been unavoidable since the absurd dissolution. He is primarily responsible for this situation."
ARTHUR DELAPORTE, SOCIALIST PARTY LAWMAKER
"Failed by his own people, Lecornu's resignation was inevitable. This short-lived government illustrates only one thing: Macronism is plunging the country once again into chaos," he wrote on X.
AGNES PANNIER-RUNACHER, OUTGOING ENVIRONMENT MINISTER
"I despair of this circus where everyone plays their part, but no one takes responsibility," Pannier-Runacher wrote on X.
"To those who still think that we could govern without the Left, I say: you are mistaken. We can't move forward without sending out strong signals, without reaching out to those who, despite our differences, share the same ambition: to serve France and the French people."
JORDAN BARDELLA, PRESIDENT OF THE FAR-RIGHT NATIONALIST NATIONAL RALLY PARTY
"There is no doubt that the ephemeral Prime Minister had no room to manoeuvre, and it was certainly Emmanuel Macron himself who formed his government (...) there can be no stability without a return to the polls and a dissolution of the national assembly," Bardella told BFM TV.
JEAN-LUC MELENCHON OF THE FAR-LEFT FRANCE UNBOWED PARTY
"Following the resignation of Sebastien Lecornu, we call for the immediate consideration of the motion tabled by 104 MPs for the impeachment of Emmanuel Macron," Melenchon and other leaders of the France Unbowed party wrote on X.
FORMER IMF CHIEF ECONOMIST OLIVIER BLANCHARD
"Hard to understand what was in Macron/Lecornu's minds in presenting more or less the same government, with one largely unpopular addition. But equally striking is the degree to which the discussion is about people, and not about issues," Blanchard said in a post on X.
Oil prices rose more than 1% on Monday after OPEC+'s planned production increase for November was more modest than expected, tempering some concerns about supply additions, though a soft outlook for demand is likely to cap near-term gains.
Brent crude futures climbed nearly $1, or 1.5%, to $65.52 a barrel by 0905 GMT, while U.S. West Texas Intermediate crude was at $61.83, up 95 cents, or about 1.6%.
"The market was expecting a somewhat larger increase from OPEC+ as shown in the structure last week," said Janiv Shah, an analyst at Rystad.
"However the modest 137,000 bpd bloats the already-oversupplied balance for the fourth quarter of 2025 and 2026."
On Sunday, the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries plus Russia and some smaller producers said it would raise production from November by 137,000 barrels per day (bpd), matching October's figure, amid persistent concern over a looming supply glut.
In the run-up to the meeting, sources said although Russia was advocating for an increase of 137,000 bpd to avoid pressuring prices, Saudi Arabia would have preferred double, triple or even four times that to quickly regain market share.
The modest production update also comes at a time of rising Venezuelan exports, the resumption of Kurdish oil flows via Turkey, and the presence of unsold Middle Eastern barrels for November loading, PVM Oil Associates analyst Tamas Varga said.
Saudi Arabia kept unchanged the official selling price for the Arab Light crude it sells to Asia.
While refining sources in Asia surveyed by Reuters had expected a slight increase, those expectations diminished as concerns about rising Middle Eastern crude supply felled the premium to a 22-month low last week.
In the near term, some analysts expect the refinery maintenance season starting soon in the Middle East to also help cap prices.
Rystad's Shah added that Chinese stockpiling of oil, along with the geopolitical risk premiums and inefficient trade routes and sanctions, were also supporting the benchmarks.
Expectations of weak demand fundamentals in the fourth quarter are another factor limiting the market's upside.
U.S. crude oil, gasoline and distillate inventories rose more than expected in the week ended September 26 as refining activity and demand softened, the Energy Information Administration said last week, with total product supplied - a proxy for demand - falling by 627,000 barrels per day in that week.
"If we see a steadier rise in production then the downside in oil prices may be contained. Much now depends on whether the U.S. economy can reaccelerate over the rest of 2025 and into 2026, which would help demand immensely," said Chris Beauchamp, chief market analyst at IG Group.
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